Friday, 22 June 2012

The Rise of New-Variant Liberal Totalitarianism and the War against England


You know how the game serves us. It has a definite social purpose. Nations are bankrupt, gone. None of that tribal warfare anymore. Even the corporate wars are a thing of the past. So now we have the majors and their executives. Transport, food, communication, housing, luxury, energy. A few of us making decisions on a global basis for the common good […] Corporate society takes care of everything. And all it asks of anyone, all it has ever asked of anyone ever, is not to interfere with management decisions.
Mr Bartholomew, Rollerball(1975)

The threat to liberty posed by communism was so direct and obvious, and the doctrine so discredited at present, that it is hard to see it as anything but totally exhausted throughout the developed world. A future left wing threat to liberal democracy is much more likely to wear the clothing of liberalism while changing its meaning from within, rather than to stage a full frontal attack on basic democratic institutions and principles.

Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and the Last Man(1992)

© Frank Ellis 2012 All Rights Reserved

(Click here to watch Dr Ellis deliver this talk to the Traditional Britain Group at the Enoch Powell centeniary dinner )

Abstract Summary: In this lecture/article I examine what I consider to be the war being waged against England. There are in fact two wars being waged against the English: one is a war similar in aim though not as murderous in scope (yet) to that being waged against the Boers in South Africa and directed, for the time being, primarily at displacing whites from the large council estates in the big cities (council estates are broadly analogous to Section 8 housing in the USA) or rendering them fragmented, inert and willing to accept their fate as a racial minority in their ancestral lands. The violence used against whites in these housing concentrations is random, spontaneous and unplanned and has all the hallmarks of its being no more than crimes against the person and property. Yet crimes against persons and property pursued for purposes of material gain are also consistent with being committed for racial or ideological reasons. Killing a person for his race does not preclude stealing his wallet. The 2011 August riots and murder which blighted London and other English cities are a prime example of what I have in mind. These attacks start not because government agencies, especially the police, actively support them, but because they fail to take the necessary measures to prevent the attacks and then to deal with them when they occur. The other war is an ideological war being waged among the professions and by the professions. This war is aimed at the cultural, political, national, economic and legal destruction of England. The striking thing about both these wars is that they are not being prosecuted by the agents and soldiers of an occupying force, as would have been the case in 1940 had we succumbed to Nazi invasion. The most active persecutors of the English are not African or Pakistani immigrants but their fellow Englishmen and Englishwomen: the police; the social services; a corrupt and cowardly teaching profession; politicians and whole swathes of business.

Introduction

I
n the immediate aftermath of the miracle evacuation from Dunkirk when Britain led by Churchill rejected Hitler’s offers of a deal, Hitler’s blandishments and appeals to common sense gave way to snarls and threats and the Luftwaffe attacked England as the precursor to a full-blown invasion of our island. For all the loss of blood and treasure World War Two was a good war. The enemy was clearly defined, his goals obvious and what we had to do was clear to all: fight or perish. After 1945, specifically in 1946, in Fulton Missouri, it once again fell to Churchill to articulate the nature of the new threat to the free world. The Cold War had started and until the mid 1980s the West had to live with the possibility of a Warsaw Pact invasion of West Germany and the escalation to nuclear war. Even allowing for the attempts of people whom I can only describe as traitors, especially in the universities, to play down the nature of the Soviet threat and, despite all the evidence of Soviet intentions, the Cold War was also a good war. The huge tank armies stationed in East Germany trained and ready to cross the inner-German border in their surge to the English Channel, the nuclear arms race, the series of Soviet interventions to crush any assertion of national independence in East Germany (1953), Hungary (1956), Czechoslovakia (1968), Afghanistan (1979) and the threat to invade Poland (1981) left no doubt about what was at stake. If we did not maintain our defences we would be blackmailed and threatened with war and subjugation.

The end of the Cold War with the breaching of the Berlin Wall in November 1989 and the final collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 removed the external threat to the West from major military alliances (the Warsaw Pact). These series of events prompted Francis Fukuyama to claim in a brilliant essay which was later expanded into a book - The End of History and the Last Man(1992) - that liberal democracy had triumphed and that this more or less marked the end of history. Unfortunately, this was not the case and was never likely to be the case, given what we know of the last two and half thousand years.

The main threat to the West and one that it is still not widely recognised is not the rise of militant often terroristic Islam or even the possibility that Iran will acquire nuclear weapons. Fraught with danger as these developments undoubtedly are, the danger to the West stems from an undeclared Civil War; not from a clash of civilizations but from the clash within the civilization (the West). The aggressors, the instigators in this Civil War are those who now regard the nation state as irrelevant, an obstacle to their global political and economic ambitions. They have no master plan but have successfully exploited a series of opportunities which have emerged after 1991. The trends and direction of travel are obvious. A striking feature of the war against the nation state has been the unholy alliance, a kind of Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact between international business and the left-wing ideologues who have theorised and articulated the cult of multiculturalism and its associated doctrine of political correctness. Powerful forces are thus ranged against the nation state. The victims in this Civil War are the indigenous populations of Western Europe who reject the internationalist assumptions and doctrines of the United Nations and the European Union and who see their primary loyalty as being to their own nation, its history and culture.

The Pursuit of Power

Wars, as the Greek historian, Thucydides observed, are waged for reasons of fear, honour and interest. To this insight we can add the better known Clausewitzian adage that war is a continuation of policy pursued by other means. It is important to keep the insights of these two masters always in mind when examining England’s Civil War since at the heart of both is the understanding that war is ultimately pursued for power and it is in the nature of power that it will sacrifice nations, institutions and people in order to reach its goals. Whatever the cause, whatever the nature of the state, the exercise of power is never bloodless.

The pursuit of power is always present in the great millenarian and revolutionary movements which have struck Europe. This is not always immediately obvious since the would-be revolutionaries preach selflessness, self-sacrifice, the brotherhood of man, human rights, universal love, righting injustice and feeding the poor and now the Third World; anything but the pursuit of power for its own sake. Yet all these demands for an allegedly better world require the exercise of power and all too often the extermination of a class of people deemed to be the oppressors. The French Revolution (1789) the violence and savagery of which was so brilliantly apprehended by Burke, Lenin’s seizure of power in 1917 and Mao’s Great Leap Forward in the 1960s and 1970s all resulted in unprecedented mass violence, and in the case of the Soviet Union and China, led to the systematic and deliberate extermination of tens of millions of so-called “class enemies”.

The failure of an economic system based on the common ownership of the means of production, one of the primary causes of the collapse of Soviet communism in 1991, has not meant that the striving towards utopias and universal planning has ceased. Quite the reverse in fact: vacuums of power and ideology do not remain for long and multiculturalism whose essentials were articulated by Soviet ideologues well before 1991 and adapted by Western fellow travellers has emerged as the threat to the integrity of nation states to replace communism. The primary target of multiculturalism, as was the primary target of global communism and all forms of socialism is the ideological, the political capture of the advanced economies of the West. The Soviet Union envisaged and planned for a military strike, were certain conditions judged to be suitable, but parallel with the military option it devoted enormous resources to the subversion of the West from within. In 2012 there are no obvious military alliances threatening the West and so in the early phase, the phase we are currently experiencing, the drive to capture and to own the West and its institutions relies primarily on ideological and cultural war. The main, and for the time being, the immediate task of those who are committed to the ascendancy of global, multicultural/racial politics and the destruction of the national and the parochial or at the very least rendering them inert, is the establishment of totalitarian regimes in the West.

This totalitarianism will not be the same as that which evolved east of the old Berlin Wall which had to rely on violence and police terror. Instead it will rely on evolutionary-revolutionary pressures in order to bring about a condition in which all facets of our lives are finally subject to excessive and pervasive state control. Once that has been achieved active resistance, even armed resistance which is sometimes justified, becomes very difficult. To distinguish this new form of totalitarianism from the historical Soviet and Chinese forms I shall call this politically correct version of totalitarianism new variant or liberal totalitarianism. Given that the word “liberal”has now lost any connection with the meaning of liberal – an Orwellian transformation typical of so many English words - liberal totalitarianism is not an oxymoron but reflects something real, a striving to enslave us.

A key difference between the old and the new forms of totalitarianism consists in the fact that control will primarily be psychological and cultural and anti-intellectual rather than overtly violent. Free speech will, therefore, be an absolutely crucial battleground. In my opinion, it is the crucial battleground. The extent to which people are willing to defend the institution of free speech and, as importantly, to exercise the rights thereof will determine whether England survives. It is not enough that the rights of free speech are enshrined in tradition and, in the case of the USA, in the Bill of Rights (1791). These rights must be exercised. I emphasise the need to exercise the rights to free speech since a country whose citizens enjoy the right to free speech but are too frightened to exercise the right because of some implicit or encouraged belief that “one is not permitted to say these things anymore” or “you’re not allowed to say that” cannot be said to enjoy the right to free speech. I suggest that something like that now obtains in England. Left-wing psyterror from all kinds of directions is intended to intimidate people such that they will be deterred from exercising rights to which they are still, just about, entitled. The aim is to put the use of certain words deemed by the left to be “offensive” beyond use by whites regardless whether these words are used by blacks (read the “lyrics” of rap and you will see my point). This ban also extends to shutting down any kind of public discussion of black crime or unacceptable immigrant behaviour. Such a situation clearly exists and it marks a very significant and ominous shift away from a presumption in favour of free speech, towards a weakening of its status. It is a major step towards cultural totalitarianism and a formal suspension of free speech and the diminishing of its range and application. The danger is both short and long term. In the short term, pressing issues dealing with race are not openly discussed or addressed because theGuardian­-reading classes censor discussions or analysis. In the long term, a people, who become accustomed to not exercising rights to free speech with regard to themes deemed to be off limits by the left, even if these themes are serious matters of concern, will eventually accept further severe limitations on rights of free speech. What, at the moment, is a social or psychological sanction resulting in ostracism and condemnation in the monopoly stream media and levelled at whites for pointing out the flaws in multiculturalism, but possessing no legal force, will, eventually, give way to formal legal sanctions being enacted against certain words and the discussion of certain ideas (race and IQ, for example). In British universities these formal sanctions already exist and have done for some time. By the time these formal sanctions are enacted a largely cowed population will have been fully habituated to not raising awkward questions and will accept censorship on anything to do with race, or any other theme for that matter, as something normal rather than its being a perversion and a regression to darker times.

The new totalitarians are well aware of these developments. After all, they have initiated them. They know full well that the success or failure of their plans will depend on the ability of their zealots and ideologues to bypass the established protections afforded free speech. So-called “hate crime” legislation is just one measure used to intimidate opponents of multiculturalism from articulating their opposition. The sole aim of the Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC), the successor body to the Commission for Racial Equality (CRE), is to police and to punish incorrect utterances on anything to do with race. A politically incorrect utterance on the subject of race is defined as anything that the EHRC considers to be politically incorrect. This is ideologically consistent with Recommendation 12 of The Macpherson Report (1999) and the report’s Neo-Marxist ethos.

That a global, multiracial order cannot succeed on a non-coercive basis –largely for the same reasons that socialism can never work – means that coercive, even violent measures, measures which we in the West had believed to be long consigned to the past, will be used in an attempt to make the multiracial experiment work. That all the precedents predict failure and in the case of socialism murderous and genocidal failure is of no help. Utopians are like investors: they are not interested in past mistakes only in the next utopian cycle. There is one crucial difference. An investor who ignores the past and flouts the accrued wisdom of investing harms only himself: the fanatical utopian that co-opts a state in order, he hopes, to build paradise, harms all of us.

From Class to Race

The Marx-Engels view that all history was the history of the class struggle paid little or no attention to race and race differences and where they were acknowledged to exist they were explained away as the legacy of primitive feudalism which would be overcome with the dispossession of the property-owning classes. In the Marx-Engels analysis of the world the driving force was class and class struggle and the class consciousness of Africans and Indians once awakened –naturally - by white middle-class agitators inspired by Brecht’s plays would make them see that their best interests lay in class solidarity and not in waging tribal vendettas and wars. Unfortunately, it was clear to anyone not blinded by the promises of utopian socialism that racial, tribal and national loyalties did matter – and still do matter - and that people were prepared to fight and die for them. The outbreak of World War One should have been the end of the brotherhood of man fantasy and, indeed, the end of the view that wars could be abolished.

The Lenin revolution marked the beginning of an era in which the working man and the working class were regarded as some special raw material that if manipulated in accordance with the ideology of Marxism-Leninism would bring about a classless society and war would be finally abolished and something akin to a secular paradise would ensue. The cult of the working class was not confined to the Soviet Union. By the end of World War One it had spread to Germany and Hungary and in the 1920s started to make itself felt in Britain that bastion of international capitalism and the gold standard. The working class view of the world was not ideological but essentially material. Socialism meant, so English workers were led to believe, better housing, a whole series of benefits, a job for life and a rising quality of life. English factory workers might have applauded the rise in literacy in some backwater of Africa but it would not have bothered them too much if a reactionary African ruler had outlawed reading classes, burned the books and eaten the white missionaries. English socialism, like German socialism and French socialism was parochial and insular, very conservative in fact and very patriotic. This working-class conservatism was a major obstacle to world revolution and all forms of internationalism. The working class might go on strike for better terms and conditions, some of the union leaders might talk as if they had just returned from a Soviet-sponsored course in political agitation and there is no doubt that some senior trade unions’ leaders would put the interests of Moscow – did put the interests of Moscow - before England. But if Johnny Foreigner tried it on the working class would fight and die for their country. The same has always been true of the English aristocracy.

In traditional Marxism the economy is everything. Once all the factories, railways, banks, shipping companies and mines have been nationalised and the whole economy has made the transition to one based on the common ownership of the means of production then the path to full socialism is secure. As it turned out and as it was obvious to some of the early critics of Marxism, the economy was the weak link in Marxist planning. No man, despite what he might say in some public meeting, was prepared to live and to work according to the hideous slogan: ‘From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs’. Among some on the left, most notably Antonio Gramsci, there was an early realization that world revolution would not be made with the working class in Western states who were too easily suborned by material incentives. The way to control Western states was to control not so much the means of production and the associated and unionised working class but to control the means of expression, above all language and culture. Language emerges as the critical lever here since all culture or what we regard as the essentials of culture – law, bureaucracy, literature, politics, philosophy and the mass media – relies on language: all culture is language. Thus the deliberate changing of language for political ends holds out the possibility of controlling everything or at least everything that matters.

What is at stake here is the possibility - and the possibilities are now enormous in a computer-saturated society – to create and permanently to maintain a view of the world that very large numbers of people are willing to accept as a true and accurate one and where, if the view of the world which they receive, differs from what they experience, they will accept the one offered and reject the one experienced. That this can happen was well and truly demonstrated in the startling and disturbing set of experiments carried out by Solomon Asch in the 1950s. It matters not that significant numbers of people will not be fooled. What matters in a democracy is that sufficient numbers can be fooled or should I say they want to believe. In other words, it would be wrong to lay all the blame on the media manipulators. It is not the fault of the banks that people spend more than they earn. The BBC and ITV are clearly culpable in producing repulsively vacuous and depraved propaganda programmes. But is it the fault of commercial or state-funded television that adults accept Lies as something veracious? Adults should know better than to believe in fairy stories. We should not attack the author or the story teller.

Mass immigration combined with the increasingly widespread articulation and promotion of the cult of multiculturalism and political correctness necessarily removes the special status that the white working class has traditionally enjoyed in left-wing politics. Now the white working class is but just one group or ‘community’, to use the word favoured by the multiculturalists, and expected to identify with the oppressed and exploited of other races. This has not happened and was never likely to happen. Mass immigration has led to low socio-economic status (SES)-whites being marginalised in the provision of state housing, goods and services and employment. It is a measure either of the contempt that middle-class leftists feel towards their erstwhile brothers-in-arms in the class struggle or complete naïveté that multiculturalist ideologues could believe that millions of aliens could be imported into the UK and be permitted to overwhelm the white working class without arousing animosity.

Every moment of contact between the white indigenous working class population and the immigrants provides opportunities for resentment: provision of housing; education; religion; health and the widely diverging cultures. It is not just that the white working class sense that it is being denied the goods and services to which it feels entitled – rightly or wrongly – traditional English culture, its allegiances, its insularity, its pride and sense of past are all perceived to be under attack, which, of course, they most certainly are. There is also the perception that the police are far less aggressive in pursuing black criminals than they are in dealing with whites and that when whites are the victims of racial crimes the police, the political caste and the monopoly stream media make every effort to deny the racial element, whereas when blacks are victims of white violence – the Lawrence murder is the obvious example –something akin to an outbreak of religious fanaticism and hagiographical fervour grips the police and the BBC.

Mass immigration has been a catastrophe for low-SES whites. They have been financially and spatially squeezed, disenfranchised and mocked. Perhaps worst of all is the fact that the people to whom they would naturally look for guidance and leadership, above all the Labour Party, have abandoned and sacrificed them. Just consider the contemptible remarks that Gordon Brown uttered about a life-long Labour voter when in Rochdale during the 2010 general election campaign. After Gillian Duffy had expressed opposition to the high levels of immigration, Brown, secure in his car and believing himself free to say what he thought about the encounter, gave us his real thoughts on the Labour rank and file: ‘She was just a bigoted woman’. The morally squalid existence of people, indigenous or non-indigenous, in the underclass is good for Labour: it is paid for by taxing the productive, rewards the feckless and creates a huge dependent class that can be mobilised and exploited in order to prevent any change. This is a demonstrable betrayal of England and one of Labour’s traditional constituencies.

Capturing the Professions

Crucial to the success of liberal totalitarianism is the capture and retention of the professional classes. Total control though desirable is not possible but in any case not necessary. Provided that a substantial number of like-minded individuals are in these professions and can be deployed against dissenters then these professions may be regarded as having been fully brought under control. Gleichschaltung, a term from NS-ideology, characterises the process perfectly. In fact, the occasional dissenter assists the cult since it creates an illusion of healthy disagreement, an impression that the cult of politically correct opinion does not enjoy a total monopoly. In England, the two institutions that have done more than any others to impose politically correct views and to police them and to persecute dissenters are the universities and the BBC. The importance of these institutions for the success of liberal totalitarianism cannot be overstated.

The university is one of the crowning achievements of the West. In some ways the university might be said to be reflect the essence of the West: a restless search for, and interest in, knowledge for its own sake; a desire to understand and explore the physical world at hand and immediately beyond one’s own immediate environs (mountains, above and below the oceans, sky, deserts, tundra, taiga, polar caps, space and deep space); and the building of intellectual systems. There is a direct line from Plato and Aristotle through the universities of the Renaissance to Cardinal John Henry Newman’s vision of the university in the nineteenth century.

Of all the institutions created by man the university is the one that would, it seems, be devoted to the pursuit of truth wherever it might lead. University charters proclaim the sanctity and importance of veritas, its overriding function in their existence, yet in the twentieth century the university has far too easily succumbed to the ideological fanatic, becoming the base - al Qaeda - from which revolutionaries and truth-haters have plotted to destroy their societies as the prelude to some ghastly socialist utopia. We have seen this happen in the Soviet Union where universities were purged of students deemed to be from socially incorrect backgrounds and where the word of Lenin and Stalin decided all matters. In Nazi Germany, we had the spectacle of the Feuerspruch as Nazi students burned forbidden books. And in the 1960s Western universities capitulated to the middle-class Marxists paving the way for the incubation of the relativist doctrines of postmodernism and the final emergence of political correctness and multiculturalism in the late 1980s. Now, we are assured by insolent Neo-Marxists and media intellectuals that there is no such thing as truth: truth, like sex and sex differences and race and race differences, is a social and political construct; truth has been deconstructed, neutralised and exposed in its many monstrous, protean guises; truth is variously patriarchal demon, the class enemy, the homophobe, colonialist, fascist, sexist, heterosexual white male and above all the West. At the heart of the idea of the West, claim the middle class revolutionaries, is not the pursuit of truth or moral and intellectual reasoning but exploitation and suppression; the West is a brutal fiction which has been finally dethroned.

Parallel with the suborning of the universities other institutions comprising some of the essential foundations of our society were also under covert attack: primary and secondary education; the social services; the police and even the armed forces. But there comes a moment when the move from covert to overt attack must be implemented if the revolutionary transformation is to succeed. An all out overt revolutionary assault of this nature and scope requires a crisis moment. A crisis moment can be manufactured or it is a natural disaster or a military defeat that can be used to initiate wholesale change which would not normally be possible to implement. For the Labour government determined to accelerate the pace of Britain’s transformation into its vision of a multiracial utopia the crisis moment was the Macpherson Report. The primary function of this dreadful, in essence thoroughly and viciously racist, anti-English report was ideological and concerned less with an inefficient police investigation and far more with devising ways to impose multiculturalism on a deeply sceptical nation. The general thrust of the seventy recommendations is entirely consistent with a government seeking totalitarian control over the lives of its citizens. The primary ideological assertion, akin to the Marx-Engels incantation that all history is the history of the class struggle, is that diversity is an undisputed good and that those who oppose diversity are presumed to be malevolent. Those who are sceptical should read and reflect upon the implications of recommendations 11, 12, 13, 14 and 39. These recommendations have no place at all in any English legal or quasi-legal instruments. They represent a direct attack for ideological purposes on long-established English freedoms so that England can be broken and remade into something alien unto her people.

Those university departments and subjects that have succumbed to the ideology of multiculturalism – much of the humanities and arts –require a means of disseminating their ideological worldview and dehumanising their enemies. The BBC is the ideal loudspeaker since it is something of an artificial multiracial construct employing people who fervently believe in the multicultural experiment (If they do not believe they keep quiet and when Mandela dies, they will make sure that they are seen to produce some tears in order to dispel any suspicion that they are thought criminals). Moreover, many of them are wealthy leftovers from the 1960s and will have selected and nurtured a new generation of liberal-leftists. The BBC enjoys other massive advantages: money is not a problem since the BBC is funded through the coercive instrument of a license fee (scarcely believable in an age of global digital television); it has a global reach; and it still enjoys something of a reputation for honesty among the gullible especially outside of Britain. All these advantages mean that the BBC is well placed to disseminate the propaganda case for multiculturalism and in some ways, more importantly, to deny access to opponents and their arguments or to present them in a distorted fashion. In this regard there is no difference at all between the way the BBC reports dissenters and the way Pravda dealt with anti-communist dissidents in the Soviet Union. Fortunately, the BBC does not have things all its own way. The Internet has undoubtedly weakened the BBC monopoly over the dissemination of news and ideas and done much to undermine the BBC’s reputation for impartiality and expose its hypocrisy.

Liberal totalitarianism is at its most dangerous in the professional classes since these are the groups that do so much to shape and to control our country. Independence of mind and a willingness to speak out in the face of injustice have typically been regarded as virtues and the hallmarks of a liberal-democratic society. In the days of heavily unionised labour a small group of Marxist union leaders, exploiting the absence of free and secret ballots and the closed shop were able to determine who worked and who did not (echoes of Trotskii here). Far more seriously, the Marxist, ideological control of the heavy industries on which so much of the country’s prosperity rested meant that Marxist revolutionaries could blackmail the elected government of the day. This industrial gangsterism was eventually dealt with and the damaged inflicted on the country was reduced to an acceptable level. Parallel, however, with the decline of the unions multiculturalism and the doctrine of political correctness have emerged to replace the unions’ physical gangsterism with an insidious ideology of relativism. Relativism lies at the heart of political correctness since a politically correct opinion or position is one that is consistent with the views of those – the universities and the BBC – who are trying to maintain their ideological ascendancy.

Why have so many politicians and academics succumbed to the claims of multiculturalism when all the evidence worldwide shows that“diversity is not strength” and that there is huge opposition to the consequences of mass immigration? This may be a very complicated question which is beyond the intelligence of one man and his limited knowledge to answer or it may be a very straightforward question. In my opinion, it is a complicated question or rather the consequences are but one can identify the enemy’s objectives from the way he behaves and the sort of policies he supports and enacts.

Like most millenarian movements there is a small group who manipulate and set the agenda and a much bigger mass that are content to follow and to be manipulated. Multiculturalism is no different in this regard from Marxism-Leninism, National-Socialism and Maoism. Multiculturalists use the language of rights, equality, freedom and the brotherhood of man and call for a world without borders in order to destroy the nation state and its institutions. It is critical for the success of multiculturalism that a country’s institutions – the ancient universities and professions, parliament, the Church of England, the Armed Forces – institutions which in normal times would be the natural defenders and articulators of the national spirit, be subverted from within, and if that proves to be impossible, they must be destroyed or discredited. One can see here that the process of subverting a nation, while assuring a bewildered people that the change is for the good of the nation, the lie implicit in the claim that “Diversity is a strength”, is something that can only be accomplished by national politicians not by aliens.

A Labour Member of Parliament (MP) representing a Birmingham constituency who comes from Germany (Gisela Stewart) shows herself to be an alien interloper when she defends the corporatist, quasi-fascist EU and the euro disaster. Likewise, a Ugandan attired as the Archbishop of York whose brazenness and ignorant effrontery goes so far that he tells me, an Englishman, that “diversity is a strength” is for me – I shall not speak for others – so obviously insincere, intellectually mediocre and hostile to my country that he arouses my contempt and disgust. He is quite clearly allowing himself to be used by more insidious and nimbler minds as indeed was the case when he lent his name to the Macpherson Report. When, on the other hand, a senior English cleric instructs us that we must accept the starving millions of Sub-Saharan Africa or at the very least we must donate hundreds of millions of pounds in aid to stop them starving to death he finds an audience; his poisonous arrows infect us; he has a lever to move our hearts for other, more malign purposes. That the dire state of Sub-Saharan Africa is due to the reckless breeding of Africans and their uncontrolled savagery and incompetence is never mentioned.

Globalization is not just or even about the increase of wealth; it is about the globalization of power and the opportunities it creates for those who wish to wield that power. Striving for the global opportunities of power can only place you at odds with your own country since at some stage the prerogatives of, say, England will clash with the prerogatives of the New Global Order. In order that any national politician can make the transition from being a parochial, national politician to an international figure he must demonstrate his willingness to place the prerogatives of the New Global Order before the land of his birth. Blair – I realise he is not English –went along with the crazed American neo-cons in Iraq and Afghanistan and permitted England to be flooded by millions of immigrants. One of Blair’s advisers has gone on record as saying that flooding England with immigrants was done to punish the right. Never mind the right, such an act of wilful and deliberate treachery punishes England. This is surely what Gillian Duffy, a life-long Labour voter, had in mind when she mentioned the dangers of mass immigration to Gordon Brown.

To grasp the scale of Blair’s treachery and betrayal of Britain, being continued by Cameron and Clegg, and the staggering reduction of the intellectual and moral qualities of leadership it betokens, one needs to go back to the summer of the Spitfire and Hurricane. After the miracle escape from Dunkirk Hitler made all kinds of offers to Churchill which were rejected. Churchill rejected Hitler’s offers because he was of England, he knew her and believed in her destiny. Churchill knew that any deal with Hitler would be an act of folly but also that it would have betrayed the very spirit of England. When Churchill pondered the deal of a separate peace with Hitler his resolution to fight and to resist was steeled by Alfred, the Tudor Queen (God bless her), Cromwell, Wellington and Nelson. The words of English resistance throughout the ages would have come easily to the Prime Minister: “I have the heart of an English lion”; “Steady the Buffs”; “England Expects”; “Up Guards and at em”. When sixty five years later the same temptations of power were laid before Blair and now Cameron by continental politicians both succumbed. Blair and Cameron have betrayed this country. Worse still is their insistence that their deeds and often inaction are necessary and beneficial; that surrendering our destiny to cabals of the EU is in our interest. It was not in our national interest to surrender to the Neue Ordnung in 1940, nor to capitulate to Soviet military blackmail between 1945 and 1985, and in 2012 it is not in our national interest to remain part of the United States of Europe.

The Future

The divisions separating those who exploit multiculturalism and its related agendas and those who regard it with horror are as profound and unbridgeable as were the divisions that led to the English Civil War in the 17th century. Divisions of this nature cannot survive indefinitely: they have to be resolved. They must be resolved because they create intolerable tensions and stresses throughout our country which if left unchallenged will eventually destroy a nation’s cohesion (this works in favour of the totalitarians). There are a number of ways in which the challenges of multiculturalism and the tensions it arouses could be met: all significantly potential opposition can be neutralized (in all sense of the word); governments can continue to permit mass immigration so as to overwhelm the indigenous population with immigrants; and some form of armed rebellion cannot be excluded.

That in the twenty years since the fall of Soviet communism, the liberal democracies, the victors in the Cold War, have embarked on external and domestic policies that have more in common with their vanquished Cold War foe tells us something about the nature of historical progress and process. I am reminded of the scene in Grossman’s Life and Fate when the SS interrogator tells his Bolshevik prisoner that the ideas of the defeated will live on in the other’s victory. The scale of the ideological changes that have been forced on England since 1991 are truly immense: an enervating moral and intellectual relativism has corrupted the political class; our universities have totally capitulated to the anti-intellectual ethos of politically correct dogma; our police force or “service” now sees policing priorities not in terms of law and order and its objective and impartial implementation but in actions that are ideologically consistent with the latest politically correct directives. Anyone who doubts my claims should recall the way the police reacted to publication of the Macpherson Report. Developments in British policing are especially ominous since a politicised police force is a pre-condition for any kind of totalitarian state. The Gestapo, the NKVD, the KGB and the Stasi existed to protect and to enforce the ideological worldview of their masters, the party, definitely not the people. Doubtless the political caste in this country has always looked after its own interests. That said, a politician who uses public money to buy duck ponds and second homes can be exposed to ridicule, thrown out of parliament, fined and imprisoned. Justice will then have been done. On the other hand, the MP who is scrupulously honest in his financial transactions but who wants to pass laws outlawing any criticism of multiculturalism and who is happy to destroy England’s national sovereignty by the transfer of power to the EU is a deadly Quisling.

Despite all the assurances which we have heard over the last sixty years that immigration would be brought under control nothing has been done. Those politicians who should be responding to the problem have been cowed into silence, an ominous development in itself (see my earlier remarks about free speech). It can be said with absolute confidence that today, in the House of Commons, there are no politicians of Enoch Powell’s honesty, never mind his other qualities, who are willing to state the consequences of mass immigration. Any serious discussion of mass immigration and the dangers it poses takes place outside the House of Commons. The consequences of mass immigration are stark and brutal. Millions of aliens entering legally or illegally into a small country do not produce the brotherhood of man: they cause bitter racial antagonisms which are often exacerbated by religious divisions, especially if it involves Islam. If the millions of immigrants currently resident in Britain (overwhelmingly England) cannot be induced or bribed to leave and the government lacks the will to deport them, then the future for the white indigenous population is at best uncertain at worst disastrous, maybe catastrophic. Meanwhile, the flood of mass illegal-legal immigrants continues.

Permit millions of immigrants from failed Third World states with cultures that place a high premium on polygamy and aggressive often reckless breeding to flood into England, a country with a First World medical service (just about) and a population explosion is inevitable. Overpopulation is the common denominator that runs through every problem afflicting the Third World. Now, because of a cowardly and irresponsible political class who failed to consider the consequences of signing various treaties and other documents, Third-World overpopulation and all its consequences are being visited on Britain. Attitudes towards overpopulation complicate the search for a solution, or at least a solution that would be considered consistent with the norms of English law and custom. A brief allegory makes my point. If a tundra wolf told an ant that he could not see how he, the ant, could possibly live jammed in so close with millions of other ants, the ant would look at the vast expanse of sub-arctic tundra, the wolf’s homeland and shudder in horror. How can you, the ant would ask, bear to live such a lonely existence in this semi-frozen wilderness? An immigrant from a typically filthy, disease-ridden, noisy and hideously overpopulated Indian slum-city ends up in Birmingham or Leicester and is not at all put off by the population density. By the standards of India and Mexico City it is positively denuded of people.

As the percentage of immigrants in England increases relative to the size of the indigenous population, there will be major cultural and political changes. Many are already evident. The more people that live in a finite amount of space, the more potential for conflict and friction. This would be true were they all racially and culturally similar. This means more rules, regulations and laws and greater power on the part of the state to interfere in our lives; and that is not just domestic laws and rules. The fact that we are in the EU means that EU officials can and will interfere in, and invade our, legislative process. One very likely consequence of rampant Muslim immigration is that eventually Sharia law will be introduced and that it will be officially recognised. Any indigenous resistance to the recognition of Sharia in Britain will be outflanked by the simple expedient of appealing directly to the EU and various Human Rights instruments so forcing Westminster to surrender (yet another unintended consequence of this legislation). This will accelerate, increase and widen the spatial concentration of Muslims in the United Kingdom and, in my opinion, would lead ineluctably to the creation of an independent Muslim state on the territory of England. Given the already high spatial concentration and segregation of Muslims in England, these areas are already very close to self-governing status – the outcome of the Bradford West by-election supports that view – and so the final step to full-blown independence would be the logical result. One way for Muslims and their allies to cause trouble for the UK government would be to hold a series of local referenda under the Local Government Act (1972 & 2000) in areas with high concentrations of Muslims and ask whether Bradford and other regions should be declared independent Muslim constituencies which together would constitute an incipient Confederation of Autonomous Muslim States. The government is not bound by the outcome but it would be a highly effective club with which to strike Cameron. Muslims could argue that if the independent Gibraltarian referendum in 2002 was recognised by the last Labour government, even though it lacked any formal status, then there is a precedent for recognising Muslim independence referenda.

The declaration of an independent Islamic state some time in the next two decades would, however, be precipitate and dangerous for Muslim politicians and their accomplices. Were such a state to be created before the demographic transition in favour Muslims had been accomplished it might serve as something of a Munich moment for the indigenous population and provoke resistance. From a Muslim perspective the alternative to trying to establish an independent state too soon would be the settlement of other parts of Britain so expanding Muslim influence and power, thereby increasing representation at Westminster. This is the long-march strategy which if pursued over the decades would lead to Muslim dominance of Westminster and ultimate control of the country. It remains to be seen whether Muslim politicians and their fellow travellers have the self-discipline to pursue such a policy and are able to control their more impetuous followers.

That the attempts by the political caste to impose multiculturalism could lead to a civil-race war is not beyond the realms of possibility. In many parts of England, especially in the inner cities where there are large concentrations of immigrants a low-intensity urban war is already being waged against the police and against parts of the host population. For the most part this war is contained within these areas, occasionally bursting out in spectacular fashion in an orgy of rapine and violence as it did in August 2011. If it is argued that the real problem here is crime not any urban race war, I shall counter by stating that when large numbers of aliens are permitted to enter England and then, with no regard whatsoever for English customs and laws and frequently with undisguised contempt, proceed to engage in the sort of criminal behaviour which is the norm in Jamaica (drug dealing), Pakistan (a gangster, narco-klepto-state) or Nigeria (awash in oil yet wallowing in poverty and corruption) this amounts to a declaration of war against the host, indigenous nation (England). When police and politicians refer to this as merely crime they are trying to hide and to deny the nature of what is taking place: low-intensity war. An example of this sort of criminal-insurgent behaviour, mercifully way beyond what we are currently experiencing in England can be seen in many large US cities and in those US states which have the misfortune to share a border with Mexico.

Low-intensity war is waged for a number of reasons all of which are related to short and long-term survival. First, aliens in large numbers in a strange land must secure a territorial zone in which they are not threatened. This is a primary biological imperative of all animals and an immediate survival requirement for soldiers finding themselves behind enemy lines: this is gaining lodgement, the secure patrol base. Once their beachhead is secure they can consolidate and expand. Second, criminal activity – prostitution, drug dealing, tax evasion, forged documents, fraudulent and polygamous exploitation of welfare – is economic activity. Economic activity which bypasses the tax regime of the host nation (England) provides a revenue stream for supporting agitation-propaganda networks, the purchase of weapons and explosives, and the establishment of front organisations (an acceptable face). Third, criminal activity carried on by aliens, especially when the police are too frightened to do anything, are being bribed or have succumbed to the ideological narrative that “diversity is our strength” is deeply threatening to the law-abiding hosts.

There are only two ways to deal with this low-intensity war. First, the full force of the law should be brought objectively to bear. If necessary, this means that lethal force shall be used against rioters and mob violence. Second, the political class can continue to permit the immigrant-insurgents to escape the full consequences of their actions and accept the immigrant-insurgent narrative – the one sponsored in universities - that they are the victims of persecution and that their rioting, mugging, murdering and looting is the natural consequence of their being oppressed. The failure to implement the first and proper option means that immigrant-insurgent behaviour goes unpunished. Appeasement never works. It merely encourages the immigrant-insurgents to believe that further concessions –grovelling apologies, tolerance of tax evasion and illicit economic behaviour and transfers of wealth – can be extracted. Aliens brazenly flouting the laws of England and who are seen to escape punishment induce enormous stress and psychological disorientation among the indigenous population. From the point of view of liberal totalitarians this is a desirable outcome. The two social groups that suffer the most are the working class or what is left of them and the middle class who must bear the ever higher financial and psychological costs of mass immigration and the appeasement of hordes of the unwanted ‘other’ in their midst. Overall, we lose our trust in the police; we fear that the world about us is falling part; we are overwhelmed by a sense of anarchy and political vacuum; we fear for our loved ones; we fear for our children’s future. In Germany, in the late 1920s and early 1930s, the battle to occupy this vacuum caused by the collapse in law and order, which was facilitated by a police force from which all those hostile to the Nazis had been purged, was won by the National Socialist German Workers’ Party. In England, in the twenty-first century, this battle is being won by the liberal totalitarians.

One can now appreciate the importance attached by the political establishment, or at least that part dedicated to the multicultural enterprise, to the corruption of language and weakening the English national identity and demonising any sense of English national solidarity. Denying an invasion by calling it a diversity-enrichment process or refusing to acknowledge that immigrant crime is not independent, culturally-specific economic activity but crime and frequently low-intensity war does not change the physical nature of what is happening. It does however cause confusion. However, if the monopoly stream media can get a viewer to deny his own experiences and accept the new one mediated by the television and print media –England does not exist, has never existed, drug dealers attacking the police is not crime but self-defence - that confusion has been resolved in favour of the new orthodoxy. After so many years of England’s being vilified and mocked and sacrificed for multicultural ends in an unprecedented, largely Labour-sponsored racist-hate cult, Ed Miliband’s urging that the English should be more assertive and comfortable with Englishness is a obscene hypocrisy.

A people that is conscious of itself as a people with a long and glorious history cannot be easily suborned and displaced in its own lands. However, if sufficient numbers of the English can be persuaded (ideally, since I teach cultural studies and feminism) or browbeaten (why not, that’s what we in the BBC are for) and or subjected to legal and other punitive sanctions (can’t wait, I am in the Macphersonised Metropolitan Police Service and we defend multiculturalism) above all through the education system and the monopoly stream media to accept even reluctantly that the English nation, with its history is a fiction, a social and political construct, then potential organised resistance to what is actually happening - physical, racial and cultural dispossession - is weakened. There is a yet another striking parallel here with the Soviet system. Any manifestation of national sentiment – Ukrainian, Belorussian, Volga German, Jewish, Baltic – was regarded as counter revolutionary. The aim was to compel people to accept that their national origins and allegiances were backward and politically primitive since all progressive people were internationalist in outlook. Once a significant part of the population has been neutralised either by persuasion or by accepting the falsehood that England does not exist remaining elements that reject the new deconstruction narrative are easier to demonise as extremists and bigots, as enemies of progress and fairness. Moreover, people who have succumbed to the lies and sense their own cowardice will resent those who reject the lies and will turn on them. So, here we have the beginnings of an effective policy of divide and rule.

Enoch Powell’s famous warning about the dangers of mass immigration was issued 44 years ago. In many ways the Powell vision has turned out to be all too accurate. Mass immigration, legal or illegal, is the single biggest threat to this country and at the time of speaking it is slowly and relentlessly destroying us. The present coalition government is doing nothing to reverse this invasion. The most dreadful thing about the changes which have afflicted us since Powell’s speech has been the participation of the political caste in the racial, cultural, physical dispossession of their own people while disseminating the lie that diversity is strength or some form of virtue. I suspect that no politician, even one of Powell’s abilities, could possibly have foreseen the degree to which and the manner in which the political caste in this country, people charged with the defence of our country’s interests and very existence, have exploited the cult of multiculturalism as a way to destroy this ancient creation called England.

What will England look like, be like in another 44 years, in 2056? Predictions are risky but in order to try to have any chance of dealing with the future, they have to be undertaken. Our past and our judgement are all we have. I put two possibilities before you.

The first is that England will finally succumb to mass immigration and that her descent into Second World and eventually Third World slum-status will be irreversible. One consequence of this decline will be a huge increase in the number of people who are not just unemployed but completely unemployable. The trends are already clear. Even without mass immigration we now have a massive parasite underclass in this country largely created by the welfare state. Permitting the influx of millions more illiterates from the Third World and Africa merely accelerates the decline. This huge influx of illiterates and unemployables will accelerate the spatial concentration of affluent whites as they seek refuge from the squalor and incompetence which will more obviously blight the country. Vast swathes of what is currently land designated as Green Belt, Areas of Outstanding Natural Beauty and National Parks will be targeted for high-density building to house the immigrant population. If organisations such as the Council for the Preservation of Rural England (CPRE) and groups of rural dwellers protest the destruction of our countryside, they will be denounced as racists who have closed their hearts to their immigrant brothers and sisters fleeing Africa in search of something better. In any case, peaceful, intelligently articulated protest will be ignored precisely because it is peaceful. Laws conceived in the spirit of anti-English hatred will be obeyed and the protestors will be quietly crushed by totalitarian bureaucracy and overwhelmed by immigrants. Mosques will spread out of the city and will be a common sight – and sound - in rural England. No longer will the bells of our ancient churches ring out in splendid isolation.

Relatively small groups of people, already wealthy, will become wealthier. As cohesion breaks down even among the indigenous population and the middle class is impoverished the political centre will fracture. The two-party status quo will be go for good to be replaced by a myriad of political parties and organizations all vying for a share of the nation’s assets. Here will arise the first opportunities for Muslim leaders, sponsored from overseas, to make a claim for the creation of an independent Muslim state somewhere in the territory of England. This claim will encounter no substantial resistance of any kind from any quarter and will remain uncontested. In fact, one can expect the corrupt and cowardly Church of England by now fully controlled by African evangelicals to welcome such a move.

The second outcome is war. The Clausewitzian dictum noted earlier does not solely apply to armies. It applies with equal and relevant force to insurgents, militants (← as the BBC calls them), organised protest, terrorists, student sit-ins, strikes and all forms of organised protest pursued for political and ideological ends. War and violence pursued for purposes of national liberation and in defence of certain rights and freedoms deemed to be inalienable are also the prerogative of the patriot. When some unctuous, cowardly and ignorant politician tells you that it is never right to take up arms against the government you can always remind him of Oliver Cromwell, 4thJuly 1776, the Boer resistance, the IRA Easter Uprising, the Warsaw Ghetto, the students of the White Rose, and even some German officers (20th July 1944) and the founding of the state of Israel. And what about the so-called Arab Spring and all the support for Arabs in open rebellion against their governments? Let us hope that in two or three decades Arab governments do not decide to bank roll armed Muslim insurrection in Britain in support of a separatist Islamic state.

Even as they are changing what used to be a liberal democracy into a totalitarian state, the political caste will attempt to maintain the fiction that repressive legislation is consistent with ancient freedoms (in 2015 this means that the Magna Carta celebrations will be enlisted to serve the purposes of enslavement). There are precedents for such things. In the mid 1970s there was a very real concern that Britain was heading towards becoming some kind of communist People’s Democracy; that the communists who had infiltrated the Labour Party and who were controlled by Soviet bloc intelligence agencies and assisted by the unions, would abandon parliamentary democracy and control and impose some form of permanent state socialism. In Eastern Europe after 1945, communist parties used democracy as a way to secure power and, having secured the levers of power, executed and imprisoned political opponents. Hitler’sErmächtigungsgesetz (Enabling Act, 1933), the essential foundation of arbitrary Nazi rule and terror, was intended to achieve the same outcome. In those circumstances, where governments ignore their obligations towards their people and violate long-established freedoms in pursuit of a revolutionary neo-Marxist agenda or, in the case of the Nazis, in pursuit of conquest, armed rebellion and resistance are in order. The words of the colonies’ declaration of independence have lost nothing since they were first uttered in 1776.

Yet I have a sense that the English will fade away with barely a whimper; that there will be no substantial protests let alone any rebellions. The majority will continue to elect governments such as the present one that actively seek to destroy the country and integrate it ever deeper into the global power structures. Fed on ever new forms of toxic, recycled celebrity waste and other poor-grade media fertiliser, the television-electorate, TV-Man and TV-Woman, manipulated and indoctrinated to accept multicultural consensual policies as the highest possible civic virtue, will continue to vote for manager-politicians who, in turn, will continue to betray them. By then, they will have lost any sense of their history and past. England will no longer have any meaning. These people would find it incomprehensible that someone should fight a war to protect a homeland or that they should even care about millions of immigrants occupying English cities. The very notion of something uniquely“ours”, as something that excludes the “other” will be regarded as wicked and monstrous and a relic of a savage past. Psychologically, this destruction of any sense of deep personal allegiance to one’s country and the lack of any willingness to defend her will mark the transition to the mass, collectivist, media-controlled personality, Mass-Media-Mensch, as foreseen by José Ortega y Gasset and Richard Weaver; the final triumph of Marxist-Leninist socialism. It would be the logical outcome of the internationalist, anti-English agenda and the demented assertion that national identity, our English national identity, be open to all. The flag of the United Nations, the flag symbolising the liberation from the prison of national identity will fly over the offices of the United Nations Representatives located, appositely, on the site of the old House of Commons (the first institution to surrender and to betray England). The corporations, aided and abetted by the Neo-Marxists, and having used immigrants as their canon-fodder vanguard to overwhelm us, will have won.

Multiculturalism and globalization are not cosmic forces – tsunamis, earthquakes and meteorites – over which we have no control. They are man-made forces. One may grant – I find it difficult - that some of the adherents have what they believe to be noble motives. Yet their naiveté is all too readily exploited by those schooled in the ways of tyranny, forces cruel and wicked, depraved and unforgiving, mendacious and cowardly, and these forces, with the collusion of the gullible and the viciously stupid, ensured that England perished. Those who saw the dangers, such as Enoch Powell, Sam Francis, Jared Taylor, Thilo Sarrazin, Pat Buchanan and Alexander Solzhenitsyn, uncompromising Prophets of universal truths, yet loyal in their own ways to their distinct national beings, were mocked and derided as dissenters and bringers of strife and were cast out into the wilderness. And so an ancient nation so often resilient in adversity throughout her history disappeared because her sons and daughters of all classes and strata succumbed to love of squalid luxury, ideological compassion for aliens and accepted the false promises of equality rather than dedicate themselves to the burdens of survival, even as the liberal totalitarians were forging the chains to enslave them. We must understand that no nation has a right to exist. It arises and survives by self-assertion and defence of its interests; a nation sees itself as having a unique destiny. When that sense of special purpose or divine blessing no longer moves hearts and minds, when sufficient numbers no longer assert their national identity and defend it from hostile forces, internal and external, the nation mutates into fractious rubbish, and ceases to exist.

Sunday, 15 April 2012

The Macpherson Report: “Anti-Racist” Hysteria and the Sovietization of the United Kingdom

The Macpherson Report: “Anti-Racist” Hysteria and the Sovietization of the United Kingdom


© Frank Ellis 2001-2012 All Rights Reserved


I approach the threat of multiculturalism not from the perspective of an anthropologist, evolutionary biologist, psychologist or geneticist, compelling though the insights of these disciplines are, as part of the wider case against compulsory multiculturalism, but from the perspective of a student of totalitarianism. I argue that the grand design of the Soviet experiment provides a powerful and cogent explanation of the coercive, social engineering being conducted under the banner of multiculturalism, especially the pervasive censorship and control of thought and behaviour, generally known as political correctness (itself a term of Soviet origin). Before I discuss The Stephen Lawrence Inquiry: Report of an Inquiry by Sir William Macpherson of Cluny (the Macpherson Report 1), I want to explore, briefly, this totalitarian connection and explain why I consider the Soviet experiment to be relevant for our understanding of anti-racist hysteria. I hope my readers will find this interesting. They should also be alarmed. I shall then consider some of the main assumptions on which the Macpherson Report is based, and some of the key recommendations.

Sovietization

Sovietization was the process by means of which all institutions, cultural activity, politics, sport, education, religion and family life were subject to strict surveillance and monitored in accordance with Marxism-Leninism. Censorship was routine and exceptionally severe. Civil society, in effect, ceased to exist. In National Socialist Germany this process would have been known as Gleichschaltung or harmonisation.

By 1939 the process of Sovietization was complete in Russia. In the aftermath of the German invasion and the Nazi-Soviet partition, Soviet-occupied Poland and the Baltic states were subjected to the full range of Sovietization policies. Typically, the Soviet secret police, then the NKVD, would move in after the first wave of troops. Dangerous suspects such as landowners, teachers, businessmen, members of the officer corps and intellectuals, in short anyone, deemed to be remotely antagonistic to communism, were arrested, in some cases shot immediately, the survivors incarcerated and then deported to the remote regions of the empire. Mass executions, as in the case of the Polish officer corps at Katyn, were common. After 1945, with a much bigger empire acquired from its vanquished National Socialist rival, the process of Sovietization assumed industrial proportions as Soviet commissars, purged and exterminated all opposition to communist control in Czechoslovakia, Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria and the Soviet occupation zone in eastern Germany, soon to be the misnamed, German Democratic Republic.

We now have literally hundreds of eye-witness accounts, biographies and personal testimonies of what life was like when every attempt was made to police an individual’s thoughts and behaviour under a communist system. The Lie is everywhere, and, as Solzhenitsyn’s eleventh commandment states: ‘Man shall not live by the Lie’. And indeed man cannot live by the Lie, as a survivor of Soviet totalitarianism, Jules Margoline, notes in a telling example:
It’s the need to tell an endless series of lies to save your life, to lie every day, to wear a mask for years and never say what you really think. In Soviet Russia, free [?] citizens have to do the same thing. Dissembling and lies become the only means of defense. Public meetings, business meetings, encounters on the street, conversations, even posters on the wall all get wrapped up in an official language that doesn’t contain a single word of truth. People in the West can’t possibly understand what it is really like to lose the right to say what you think for years on end, and the way you have to repress the tiniest “illegal” thought you might have and stay silent as the tomb. That sort of pressure breaks something inside people.2
Ever fearful that an incautious word will be used against them, individuals in a Sovietised society do not trust one another. As the Jewish writer, Isaac Babel, who himself perished in Stalin’s purges, noted: ‘Today a man only talks freely with his wife at night, with the blankets pulled over his head’.3

As part of a collection of fearful people, individuals, denied access to information routinely available in the West and unable to discuss ideas freely, were vulnerable to artificially-induced hysteria. As the failings of the system became ever more apparent and the solutions ever more distant, so the state propaganda and agitation apparatus created new, artificial enemies, on whom the frustration of the population, denied other avenues, could focus their attentions. Consider that in the early climate of optimism about what equal opportunities and affirmative action were thought to be able to achieve, there was a much greater degree of openness than is possible thirty years after the failure of these policies. Confronted with these failures, we have two possibilities: admit they failed; or deny failure, while simultaneously, and without any sense of contradiction, taking all kinds of steps to root out the “enemies” responsible for the failure. Perhaps this explains Western feminism’s continuing obsession with “the demon of patriarchy” and the endless campaigns to uncover “racists”, which are worthy successor campaigns to the Soviet system’s obsession with “vigilance” and the need to unmask “wreckers”.

Many examples of state-sponsored hysteria and the accompanying extreme violence can be cited: the show trials used to intimidate the so-called bourgeois specialists on whom the party was dependent in the 1920s; the extermination of anything from 11,500,000 to 22,000,000 peasants (kulaks as the communist party called them) in the 1930s; the great show trials of senior Bolsheviks between 1936-1938; and the various anti-Semitic campaigns of Stalin’s last years, most notably the campaign against Jewish doctors - “the assassins in white coats,” as the Soviet media called them - who were supposed to be murdering the Soviet leadership. Even by Soviet standards, these anti-Semitic campaigns were especially vicious.

Some idea of what it is like to be on the receiving end of this ideological battering can be gleaned from an extract, taken from Vasiliy Grossman’s Everything Flows. A former party activist looks back at collectivization and the media assault on the kulaks, the “enemies of the people”:
A mere girl at the time, these words started to have an effect on me. Here and elsewhere, at meetings and on special courses of instruction, and in radio broadcasts, at the cinema, writers and Stalin himself, all hammered home the same message: the kulaks are parasites, they are burning grain and killing children. The need to incite the fury of the masses against them was stated absolutely clearly, these damned kulaks, they must be exterminated as a class...It was as if I was bewitched, and it seemed to me that all the world’s woes were the fault of the kulaks and were they exterminated, the peasants would find happiness.4
The same response to what can only be described as brainwashing or extreme indoctrination in an informationally deprived environment can be observed in all totalitarian states: in the former Soviet Union, communist China, North Korea and Cambodia. Today’s enemies whose vilification and destruction will bring about the brave new world are the “white, heterosexual male” and Western civilization.

Now, if my more sceptical readers find words such as “brainwashing”, “re-education”, “thought control” inappropriate or polemical hyperbole in the context of the West, then I invite them to consider some of the practices used in American universities to promote “diversity” and “race awareness”.5 Blue Eyed, for example, [...] ‘is a filmed racism awareness workshop in which whites are abused, ridiculed, made to fail and taught helpless passivity so that they can identify with “a person of colour” for a day.’ As Alan Kors notes, ‘these exercises have become so commonplace that most students do not even think of the issues of privacy, rights, and dignity involved.’ Again, in Blue Eyed, Jane Elliot, one of America’s growing class of “race awareness facilitators”, states that those under her authority will by the end of the day, have a ‘new reality’ created for them.

In another film, Skin Deep, a white student, with all his personal details - name, place of origin, all noted on the screen - turns to the screen and confesses the “racism” of his southern family and says: “It’s a tough choice, choosing what’s right and choosing your family.” Yet another “race awareness facilitator” is Edward J. Nichols who achieved fame in the early 90s with a “racial sensitivity” session in which, according to witnesses:
[...] his exercise culminated in the humiliation of a blonde, blue-eyed, young female professor, whom he ridiculed as a “perfect” member of “the privileged white elite” who not only would win a “beauty contest” but even “wore her string of pearls”. The woman, according to these accounts, sat and sobbed.
To say that this sort of treatment of students and faculty represents something sinister is understatement. It is, however, a perfect example of the fictional, yet prophetic, attempts to drive out heresy, as portrayed by Orwell in 1984 and is a precise copy of the sort of treatment which was routinely used by Soviet psychiatrists and Mao’s “re-educators” against dissidents.

To complete the picture, I cite two examples of “re-education” taken from Mao’s China:
A not negligible number of party activists in the region have committed suicide, have fled, or have become psychotic. The cheng feng method is a response to the principle that “everyone should know the intimate thoughts of everyone else”. [...] All that is personal and intimate is to be displayed shamelessly for public scrutiny. Under the protocol of criticism and self-criticism, the thoughts and aspirations and actions of everyone are on full view.6
and:
Over the years Mao’s police have perfected their interrogation methods to such a fine point that I would defy any man, Chinese or not, to hold out against them. Their aim is not so much to make you invent nonexistent crimes, but to make you accept your ordinary life, as you led it, as rotten and sinful and worthy of punishment, since it did not accord with the police’s conception of how life should be led.7
In the context of multiculturalism, such treatment is about the invasion and occupation of an individual’s mind, so that he, like Winston, can behave and think in a way determined by the “race awareness facilitators”.

The Macpherson Report

On the 31st July 1997, the newly-elected Home Secretary, Jack Straw, asked retired judge, Sir William Macpherson of Cluny, ‘to inquire into the matters arising from the death of Stephen Lawrence, in order particularly to identify the lessons to be learned for the investigation and prosecution of racially motivated crimes.’8 Published in February 1999, the Macpherson Report can rightly be regarded as a landmark in race relations in the UK. The near unanimous acceptance of its assumptions and conclusions by the Labour government represents a major victory for those who are striving to undermine long-established British institutions and accomplish the final destruction of the United Kingdom.

The basic facts of the murder are as follows. At about 2230 hrs on Thursday 22nd April 1993, two black teenagers, Stephen Lawrence, accompanied by a friend, Duwayne Brooks, were at a bus stop in Well Hall Road, London. While at the bus stop, Lawrence and Brooks were attacked by a group of white youths. In an attack that lasted some 15-20 seconds, Lawrence was stabbed, dying from his wounds soon after. Brooks escaped. Prior to the assault, one of the white attackers, having, presumably, heard something, asked: “what, what nigger”? (para, 1.3). That the assailants were white, the victim black and that the word “nigger” was used, have all been taken on the part of Macpherson as irrefutable proof that Stephen Lawrence was murdered because he was black. To quote Macpherson: ‘Stephen Lawrence’s murder was simply and solely and unequivocally motivated by racism.’ (para, 1.11, emphasis added). At the inquest in 1997, the jury also agreed that: ‘Stephen Lawrence was unlawfully killed in a completely unprovoked racist attack by five white youths.’ (emphasis in the original, para, 2.5). This assumption, an article of faith, resonates throughout the Macpherson Report.

Granted, words such as “nigger”, “cracker”, “honky”, “white trash” or “devils” (many rappers refer to whites as “devils” without, it seems, any problems from the “music” industry) are offensive, and are known to be. That, however, such words are used as the precursor to physical violence should, in my opinion, not be automatically taken to imply that a murder is racially motivated. To quote John Upton:
It is the lack of a sense of proportion demonstrated by Morrison [the reviewer of a book on the Lawrence murder] and his inability to understand or admit that using the term ‘nigger’, however unpleasant that may be, does not necessarily make someone a race murderer that are symptomatic of a climate in which criticism of anything said or done by the Lawrences or any member of their team must be prevented at all costs.9
In fact, the introduction of “racism” might sometimes introduce a complicating factor. Stabbing someone constitutes violent physical discrimination in any case. The automatic assumption of “racism” can easily be a false trail. So while offensive language might be a useful guide as to whether a crime was racially motivated, it should, in my opinion, be seen as one of a number of factors, to be corroborated before any final conclusion can be drawn.

Matters are complicated by the fact that American blacks themselves use the word “nigger” as a term of contempt for other blacks. Certain rap bands, most notably, Niggers with Attitude (NWA), have used the word to make some kind of statement.10 Trying to deny the use of the word “nigger” to whites, while retaining the discretionary use for blacks, represents an arbitrary appropriation of language, a form of language and thought control. Similar problems could arise with the expression “white trash”, a contemptuous dismissal of whites which is used by both whites and blacks alike. There is a great deal of hypocrisy here as well. To quote Jared Taylor:

Meanwhile, as whites worry about whether they are using the socially acceptable race words, blacks can call whites anything they like. No one has ever been reported to have gotten into trouble for talking about whitey, crackers, rednecks, honkies, buckra, or white trash. The same double standard has emerged in the fact that many familiar ethnic jokes that were once told about non-whites have been recirculated as jokes about blonds. They can be insulted with impunity.11

Consider, too, the following assessment about the British film industry. According to Steven Berkoff, films such as Four Weddings and a Funeral and Notting Hill ‘are about white middle class trash’.12 Nothing remotely comparable regarding the films of Eddie Murphy would ever appear in print.

One of a number of serious flaws in the Macpherson Report is the assumption that racism is the sole preserve of whites. Only towards the very end, and one suspects that this was added as an afterthought, do we find a grudging reference to the fact that blacks and other non-whites might, conceivably, be guilty of racism.13 Otherwise, the assumption, relentlessly pressed home throughout the Macpherson Report, is that racism is the exclusive vice of whites.

Absolutely central to Macpherson orthodoxy is the assumption that the police did not conduct the murder investigation with sufficient zeal because the victim was a young black, a point made by Stephen Lawrence’s mother. Mrs Lawrence argued that ‘No black person can ever trust the police’ because of ‘bad experiences with the police’ (para, 4.4). ‘Bad experiences’ run both ways, of course.14 The police patronise whites as well. In his desire to appear to be fair, Macpherson demonstrates a willingness always to give the benefit of the doubt to the Lawrences and their defenders which is absent when dealing with the police. To quote John Upton again:
The fact that the Inquiry did not consider it necessary to hear from the Lawrences or Brooks suggests that it had already drawn its conclusions before considering the evidence before it.15
Consider, for example, the assertion from Macpherson when summing up Mr and Mrs Lawrence’s views: ‘Any protestation that Mr & Mrs Lawrence’s attitude stems from perception and not reality must be abandoned’ (para, 4.9). Why, “must”, one asks? And are the assessments of white police officers based on reality or just perception? This is not the way one conducts an objective and impartial inquiry: this is how one treats heretics whose “guilt” has been determined in advance.

Macpherson adopts the same partisan and defensive posture when he tries to justify the behaviour of Duwayne Brooks, who was, we are told, ‘stereotyped as a young black man exhibiting unpleasant hostility and agitation’ (para, 5.12). Macpherson’s willingness to accept without question that the whites who assaulted Stephen Lawrence used the word “nigger” is contrasted with his readiness to doubt the possibility that Brooks used grossly offensive language when the police arrived at the scene of the murder (“pigs” being one of the milder words, see para, 5.13). Macpherson concedes, grudgingly, that Brooks said these things and admits that such offensive language may explain why he was ignored by the police at the hospital (para, 5.13). Nevertheless, ever willing to find fault with the police, Macpherson asserts, too, that: ‘We do not believe that a young white man in a similar position would have been dealt with in the same way’ (para, 5.31). Why are we to believe that a young white man who called the police “cunts” and “pigs” at the scene of a murder and who behaved in an aggressive manner would not have been treated in this way? To take this further, are we to believe that had Brooks been white he would not have been arrested for (allegedly) causing damage to a car? (para, 5.27).

Summoned to the scene of a murder, the police, until otherwise established, were quite right to assume, initially, that Stephen Lawrence could have been killed as a result of a fight with Brooks. Had the police automatically assumed that whites had killed Lawrence, they would have been guilty of the very thing of which they have subsequently been accused: institutional racism (directed against whites). The police are obliged to investigate all possibilities eliminating some as the data and evidence accumulate and certain positive lines of enquiry become clear. Macpherson, in his insistence that the police should have accepted Brooks’s version, at face value, of how Stephen Lawrence was killed, is, in effect, trying to undermine a basic procedure of a murder investigation.

Macpherson’s contribution to understanding problems of race in the United Kingdom is the discovery that the police are guilty of a whole catalogue of “race” crimes. To accusations of individual acts of racism, can be added those of “unwitting racism”, “unconscious racism”, “racist stereotyping”, “institutional racism” and “collective racism”. Variations on the basic theme of racism, these accusations are unremittingly asserted throughout the Macpherson Report. They contribute to the atmosphere of hysteria during and after the inquiry and will, one suspects, create considerable long term problems for the police and the rest of British society. Racism is defined as follows:
Racism in general terms consists of conduct or words or practices which disadvantage or advantage people because of their colour, culture, or ethnic origin. In its more subtle form it is as damaging as in its overt form (para, 6.4).
From this definition it follows that whites, certainly in the USA, and increasingly in the UK, are the victims of racism, since affirmative action and equal opportunities policies punish whites for being white. Policies which set quotas, or, euphemistically, which demand meeting “targets”, for minority recruitment, as called for by the Home Secretary, are, according to the definition in paragraph 6.4 of the Macpherson Report, manifestly racist, since they advantage people for being black.xvi Another problem with this definition arises from the use of the word “colour”. Macpherson severely criticises several police officers for their use of the word “coloured” instead of “black”. Yet the use of “colour” in the definition of racism poses no apparent problem. If “coloured” is an inappropriate word to use of blacks, why is “colour” acceptable? It should be noted that in the USA, the term “people of colour” to refer to blacks is standard (at least for the moment). And the National Association for the Advancement of Coloured People (NAACP) shows no sign of deleting “Coloured” from the way it publicly defines itself.

That blacks are disproportionately active in street crime in the UK and elsewhere and thus more likely to encounter the police means that the police are especially vulnerable to accusations of racism. The black criminal who is arrested can certainly claim that he is being treated differently from his fellow citizens who do not commit crimes. Whether he deserves our sympathy is another matter. The working assumption made by the police that large numbers of blacks are likely to be involved in criminal activity is perfectly reasonable if the day-to-day reality of police officers, as opposed to mere perception, brings them into contact with large numbers of blacks who are indeed criminals. (I add in passing that the same working assumption would be entirely reasonable for black officers who routinely dealt with white criminals). To assume in the face of such reality that blacks were less or as equally likely as whites to be involved in criminal activity would be bad policing.17 On the streets, at the sharp end, the police deal with probabilities and the probability in many American and British cities is that where there are large black populations, there will be more crime. To pretend in the face of such evidence that this was not the case would be dangerous for police officers (black or white) involved, and the law-abiding public (black or white), who, not unreasonably, expect to be protected from predators (black or white). From the perspective of the institutional anti-racists the fact that the police have different assumptions about the frequency of blacks in street crimes - because in their experience blacks do commit more crimes of this nature - is indisputable evidence of unwarranted hostility towards blacks, that is “stereotyping”, or “unwitting racism”, the latter defined as follows:
Unwitting racism can arise because of lack of understanding, ignorance or mistaken beliefs. [...] It can arise from racist stereotyping of black people as potential criminals or troublemakers. [...] Furthermore such attitudes can thrive in a tightly knit community, so that there can be a collective failure to detect and to outlaw this breed of racism. The police canteen can too easily be its breeding ground (para, 6.17).
And are whites alone, one wonders, in forming tightly knit groupings which resist outsiders? These days, in fact, any manifestation of collective white identity would be viewed as racism or at the very least something distasteful, which, curiously, does not apply to non-whites, who are encouraged to celebrate “diversity”, “difference” and “otherness”.

Unwitting racism” can be used to attack the police for being “colour-blind” in their treatment of crime. This approach, according to some witnesses, is flawed for the following reasons:
A colour blind approach fails to take account of the nature and needs of the person or the people involved, and of the special features which such crimes and their investigation possess. As Mr Dan Crompton, Her Majesty’s Inspector of Constabulary (HMIC), helpfully said to us it is no longer enough to believe “all that is necessary is to treat everyone the same. ...it might be said it is about treatment according to need.” (Part 2, Day 2, p.57) (para, 6.18).18
So, on the one hand, the police are attacked for being racist, that is, for treating blacks differently, but they are nevertheless subject to the demand that blacks be treated differently, according to the Marxist idea of need. Thus to behave in a “colour blind” manner is not something that treats everyone the same, irrespective of race or colour, but as something that recognises difference and needs, so treating them differentially because of race and colour, behaving, in other words, in a way which is paradigmatically racist according to the Macpherson Report’s own definition of racism. If certain racial groups are to be treated differently, then there is no equality before the law.

Having attacked the iniquities of “colour-blind policing”, Macpherson, with no sense of any embarrassment, notes with obvious approval, the summing up made by Justice Curtis (the judge at the trial of the three arrested suspects):
The burden and standard of proof and the legal principles involved govern all cases, and there must never be differential rules or standards applied because of the horrendous nature of a case (para, 41.19).
After Macpherson’s sustained tirade against the police and the repeated demand that the police recognise the special needs of the victims, the inclusion of Justice Curtis’s reminder, reveals breathtaking inconsistency and some astonishing incompetence in editing. In another equally astonishing display of inconsistency - after what has been said about “colour-blind policing” - we find the following:
Different rules and standards cannot be applied to crimes which are particularly horrific or spurred on by particularly evil motive unless statute so provides. Unless there is evidence available which establishes guilt beyond reasonable doubt there can be no conviction (emphasis added, para, 43.45).
The discussion of racism and variations thereof raises some serious questions about balance which go well beyond Macpherson’s treatment of the Lawrences. He notes with some approval the contribution to the discussion of institutional racism in Stokely Carmichael’s Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America (1967) and displays no sense of embarrassment at all in taking evidence from the MPS Black Police Association. Like Carmichael, this organisation is hardly an unbiased bystander and its own definition of institutional racism highlights some serious weaknesses for the practical application of the term:
The term institutional racism should be understood to refer to the way the institution or the organisation may systematically or repeatedly treat, or tend to treat, people differentially because of their race. So, in effect, we are not talking about the individuals within the service who may be unconscious as to the nature of what they are doing, but it is the net effect of what they do (para, 6.28).
Two things stand out here. First, the notion that any sane individual can be “guilty” of something, but be unconscious thereof is a rather odd idea to find in Britain (but not in the former Soviet Union or communist China). Second, note the emphasis on there being a distinction between ‘the institution or organisation’ and ‘the individuals within the service’. Nothing, however, is said about the minimum number of individuals in the ‘system’ which constitutes a crossing of the threshold from ‘individual racism’ to ‘institutional racism’. So when those who use ‘institutional racism’ maintain that they are not targeting ‘individuals’ but then go on to accuse the ‘system’, without providing numerical data, they are, in the absence of such data or definition, withdrawing their concession that ‘we are not talking about individuals.’ This absence of clarity means that the anti-racists can have it both ways. If it suits their various agendas, the remarks of one individual will be taken as prima facie evidence of “institutional racism”, and thus as justification for wholesale purging of the particular institution (police force, universities, schools, armed forces and so on). And are members of the MPS Black Police Association - a black-only organisation - exempt from accusations of institutional racism in the way they police the majority white population? And if yes, why? And why have the Commission for Racial Equality (CRE) and the Equal Opportunities Commission (EOC) maintained such a deafening silence about black-only organisations when any white organisation that closed its doors to blacks, even were it do so on grounds of free association, would be hounded mercilessly?

Institutional racism can be detected, according to Macpherson, in the way the Lawrence family were treated at the hospital, family liaison and the failure of many officers to recognise that Stephen Lawrence’s murder was ‘a purely “racially motivated” crime’ (para, 6.45, (a)). In this series of accusations we see the real dangers of applying something as nebulous as institutional racism and a graphic illustration of the problems arising from the MPS Black Police Association’s definition. The actions of those officers involved are taken to be representative of the whole organisation. This is the notion of collective guilt. One “guilty” officer means that the whole police force must be deemed to be guilty. That blacks are disproportionately stopped and searched is taken as evidence of institutional racism, not that blacks commit more violent crimes.

And this potential threat - now being realised in the aftermath of publication - to extend the various concepts of racism to institutions other than the police reveals the anti-white agenda at the heart of the Macpherson Report. As stated by one of the anti-racist gurus: ‘It could be said that institutional racism in this sense is in fact pervasive throughout the culture and institutions of British society, and is in no way specific to the police service’ (para, 6.31).19

The anti-police agenda of the Macpherson Report is evident in the scandalous treatment of police officers, who, to Macpherson’s fury, resisted his attempts uncritically to accept that this was a racially-motivated crime. Questioned whether this was racially-motivated murder, Detective Sergeant Davidson made the following case:
[...] because these lads had attacked whites before, very similarly with a similar knife I believe this was thugs. They were described as the Krays. They were thugs who were out to kill, not particularly a black person, but anybody and I believe that to this day that was thugs, not racism, just pure bloody minded thuggery (para, 19.34).
As many as 50% of the officers involved in the murder investigation accepted this view. Their arguments cannot simply be brushed aside as Macpherson is trying to do. Yet Macpherson attacks the police for daring to hold a different point of view:
They know, and so do we, that this was a totally unprovoked racist murder and consequently the obdurate attitude of DS Davidson and of other officers who took and expressed the same opinion must be severely criticised. It is insensitive and untenable to suggest that this was or might have been a motiveless crime or even a crime of mixed motives (para, 19.37).
and:
We simply do not understand why DS Davidson and others were unable to accept that this was the simple and uncomplicated position. We consider that their inability to accept that the murder was racist is a manifestation of their own flawed approach and of their own unwitting collective racism (para, 19.38).
Unable to convince by force of argument and unwilling to consider alternatives to the fanatically asserted insistence that this was a racially-motivated murder, and clearly frustrated by DS Davidson’s sticking to his guns, Macpherson accuses those who do not accept his assumptions as being guilty of “unwitting collective racism”. Indeed, at times, Macpherson is like a believer whose faith, threatened by the very existence of non-believers, begins to doubt his belief in God and so resorts to endless repetitions of “God exists!” in an attempt to bolster his weakening faith. Macpherson’s response to DS Davidson’s reasonable interpretation typifies the hysteria that has accompanied the inquiry. According to Macpherson, DS Davidson’s refusal to accept that this crime was racist ‘may well have affected his approach to the case.’ (para, 19.44). To which one must add that Macpherson’s handling of the inquiry, especially his treatment of the police, has been markedly skewed by his uncritical acceptance that this was a racially-motivated murder.

Macpherson has come to this inquiry with the assumption that this was a racially-motivated murder and when confronted with experienced police officers, officers who know what takes place on the streets of London, shows himself to be psychologically quite incapable of any form of objective appraisal of DS Davidson’s evidence. If an experienced police officer believes that the thugs who murdered Stephen Lawrence would have been just as likely to kill a white, then that is a view that should not just be dismissed in a fit of hysterical abuse in order to propitiate the Lawrence team and the largely hostile British media.

Macpherson refuses, significantly, to acknowledge the fact that the alleged suspects were also implicated in the stabbing of two white youths, Stacey Benefield and Lee Pearson (para, 19.36). I find the view expressed by DS Davidson that those who killed Stephen Lawrence would have been just as willing to kill a white very persuasive. It is a credit to this police officer that he, unlike some of his superiors, refused to allow himself to be intimidated and browbeaten when cross-examined by Mr Mansfield Q.C.

In the same spirit, Macpherson laments the fact that DS Davidson appears to have persuaded a colleague, Detective Constable Budgen, that factors other than those of race, needed to be considered. In other words, the process of sifting and analysing evidence, the essence of a police investigation, is itself under attack. Detective Constable Holden was also criticised for her refusal to accept the party line. The definition of a racist incident, then in force, was used by Ms Sikand on behalf of the Commission for Racial Equality to attack her.20 In effect, Sikand argued, since senior police officers accepted that was a racially-motivated crime, DC Holden should have accepted this as well. (Officers are allowed to hold any views, provided they concur with Macpherson’s). Consider the following attempt to monopolise the truth, to stifle any opposing viewpoints:
If officers expressed the view that they did not believe that the case was purely motivated by racism, when it so clearly was [emphasis added], then the perception [emphasis added] of the black community in particular, and all who heard the evidence at this inquiry is inevitably that such an unjustifiable stance reflects inherent racism in the officers involved and in the police service. DS Davidson and others have only themselves to blame for the perception that they were “institutionally racist” (para, 19.44).21
The question begging so typical of the Macpherson Report is on display: it has indeed been asserted, yet by no means demonstrated - ‘so clearly’ - that the murder of Stephen Lawrence was racially motivated. Note, too, the thoroughly unwarranted assertion that, since some of the officers did not agree they must be “institutionally racist”. This is not argument: this is intimidation and it is an ugly and pervasive feature of the Macpherson Report. The logical impossibility of individual police officers’ being “institutionally racist”, as Macpherson asserts, is nevertheless revealing. It demonstrates that in the search for “institutional and unwitting racism” one individual will be enough to initiate a witch hunt. In the Macpherson universe any police officer who does not accept that Stephen Lawrence was the victim of a racially-motivated murder, must, by that very fact, Macpherson implies, harbour some dark secret. He is a “racist”, an enemy who, like Winston in Orwell’s 1984, must be compelled to believe in something he holds to be false. This has nothing to do with justice: this is intellectual violence, the sort which typified Marxist sophistry. If we, the high priests of scientific communism are right, then anybody who disagrees with us must be wrong; our opponent is a class enemy, an “enemy of the people”.

The police, generally, have allowed themselves to be browbeaten. By caving into the pressure from the media and the “black community” and conceding that this was a “racist” murder and then having had their undeniable incompetence exposed, the conclusion follows, to many, that the police are “institutionally racist” rather than intolerably and unacceptably incompetent in certain areas. By not challenging the assertion that this was a “racist” crime from the beginning, the police have allowed themselves to be put on the defensive.

More worrying inconsistencies are revealed in the Macpherson Report, as they affect the police. Members of another gang with convictions for racially-motivated crimes were not known to the investigating officers. Having earlier lambasted DS Davidson and other officers for their refusal to accept the race factor in Stephen Lawrence’s murder, Macpherson, three pages later, has no sense of embarrassment in stating: ‘The view of many of the team that the murder of Stephen Lawrence was not solely motivated by racism may well be reflected in this failure to obtain readily available local intelligence’ (para, 20.14). Whether this failure was due to incompetence is not clear but it surely mitigates Macpherson’s accusations of “institutional racism” levelled in paragraph 19.44.

Later, and in the midst of his crude attempts to bludgeon the police into accepting that the murder was racist, Macpherson, with breathtaking disregard for his own tirades, points out that:
The Stephen Lawrence murder investigation should formally have been a “B” category investigation. This is one “where the victim is known but the motive and suspect are unknown” (para, 32.8).
This acknowledgement on Macpherson’s part reveals, yet again, confusion and incompetence. Determined to pursue the agenda of institutional anti-racism, Macpherson refuses to accept that: (i). the motive might be unknown, as demanded by a category B murder or; (ii) that it was anything other than racially motivated.

Recommendations

Some of the recommendations, from a total of seventy in all, go way beyond the confines of policing. Indeed, some represent a serious threat to civil liberties and free speech in the United Kingdom.

We might start with the Macpherson definition of a racist incident which replaces that in force at the time of Stephen Lawrence’s murder. Macpherson rejects the existing definition for two reasons. First, because he finds the word “racial” unacceptable. Second, in the climate of worshipping the “oppressed”, many of whom, I suspect, will not be aware that they are indeed being “oppressed”, he wants to make the definition more “victim oriented” (para, 45.16). Rejection of “racial” or “racially motivated” is justified thus:
We believe that the use of the words “racial or “racially motivated” are in themselves inaccurate and confusing because we all belong to one human race, regardless of our colour, culture or ethnic origin. When referring to crime or incidents involving racism we believe “racist” to be the appropriate adjective (para, 45.17).
Only at the very end of the Macpherson Report do we find Macpherson expressing concern about the words, “racial” and “racially”, despite his having accepted and used them until the very end of the document. Recall, too, that this is the same Macpherson whose covering letter to Jack Straw speaks of ‘racially motivated’ crimes. There is a strong suggestion here, I think, that this attempt to differentiate between “racial” and “racist” has been added at a much later stage, possibly under the influence of outside agencies. It provides further evidence of poor editing and presentation, a characteristic of the Macpherson Report and, more worryingly, but not unexpectedly, bears witness to Macpherson’s willingness to acquiesce to the agendas of various pressure groups. (One might also ask in passing that if we all belong to the same race, how is it possible to treat people in a “racist” manner?). “Racial” is to be rejected because, according to Macpherson, the notion of race is, in some unexplained way, fallacious, whereas “racist” is not. Is the Commission for Racial Equality aware of this point? Macpherson wants it both ways. He desires the root “race” and its derivatives, as in “racist”, for its intimidating effect, but at the same time strives to reject any association with race as a biological reality. Perhaps he should be using the word “ethnicist”. On this issue I cite Roger Pearson:
[...] the term “ethnic” does not exclude the reality of genetic causality, it strongly connotes the pre-eminence of cultural differences, whereas the use of the term “race” clearly implies biological differences.22
‘A racist incident is any incident which is perceived to be racist by the victim or any other person’. So states Recommendation 12. Such a definition puts us firmly in Orwellian territory. This is a charter for every malicious, envious and vindictive type to make trouble, the sort, who in the former Soviet Union and STASI-infested East Germany, would denounce their neighbours for making critical remarks about Stalin or Honecker, in the hope of securing some material advantage or to avenge some real or imagined slight. We should ask ourselves whether we really want to live in a society where every utterance has to be weighed up before we speak; where all verbal spontaneity is lost; where we speak in sound-bites and officially-approved slogans. Such a society would, in effect, fall silent, its citizens fearful that anything they say could be used against them by the Thought Police and self-appointed seekers after “hate crimes”. The Macpherson definition of racism is more than just an attack on free speech: it is an attack on speech itself, that most wonderful of man’s faculties. Is this what we want?23

Recommendation 13 goes so far to say that ‘the term “racist incident” must be understood to include crimes and non-crimes [emphasis added] in policing terms.’ The concept of a “non-crime” - a word that surely belongs in the dictionary of Doublethink - represents the criminalising of everything, so as to justify police intrusion into every aspect of our lives. At this point one must ask whether we should reject multiculturalism and all its works outright, if such draconian recommendations against the indigenous white population have to be enacted in order to ensure the success of the multicultural experiment.

The provisions of Recommendations 11, 12, 13 and 14 have a synergistic effect, which is not immediately apparent. Thus, Recommendation 11 states that: ‘Chief Officers of Police should be made vicariously liable for the acts and omissions of their officers relevant to that legislation.’. And Recommendation 13, as noted, states that: ‘the term “racist incident” must be understood to include crimes and non-crimes in policing terms. Both must be reported, recorded and investigated with equal commitment.’ As if that is not bad enough for the police, Recommendation 14 states that the definition of a “racist incident” ‘be universally adopted by the Police, local Government and other relevant agencies.’ Given therefore, as provided for in Recommendation 11, that senior police officers are to be “vicariously liable” and, additionally, that the term “racist incident” is to be adopted by ‘other relevant agencies’, there are some alarming consequences for universities. Although not expressly included under the heading ‘other relevant agencies’, the thrust is clearly intended to cover the public sector. Thus a university administration which feared that it might be made ‘vicariously liable’ for ideas expressed by members of the faculty, might well consider it prudent to implement an internal policy of vetting before allowing publication of written work or lectures. This could easily be made to apply to the internet as well. The effects on free speech would be devastating. Given the readiness with which university administrations capitulate on any issues connected with race and multiculturalism, the chances that they would resist additional pressures are unlikely. We shall see.

Any doubts, however, about the Orwellian provisions of the Macpherson Report should be completely dispelled by Recommendation 39, which states:
That consideration should be given to amendment of the law to allow prosecution of offences involving racist language or behaviour involving the possession of offensive weapons, where such conduct can be proved to have taken place otherwise than in a public place.
Even privacy has to be sacrificed to make the multicultural experiment work. The logical outcome of this recommendation is the routine electronic surveillance and bugging of private households and private gatherings, and a huge increase in taxes to pay for the hordes of spies and bureaucrats who will monitor us. Nor, I suspect, will it stop at bugging. The next step will be that one’s children will be encouraged to report back any remarks to their teachers (part of their “race awareness training”). Do we really want our children to behave like children did in both Soviet Russia and National Socialist Germany where they were encouraged by the state-run Pioneers and the Hitler Youth to report on “enemies of the people”?

Campaigns against “racism” thus become another powerful weapon against the nuclear family and individual freedom. And where “anti-racism” leads, the “anti-sexists”, “anti-homophobes” and the “anti-everything-else” mob will surely try to follow. The final consequence of this is that real community which relies heavily on spontaneous interaction and trust is grievously wounded. Big Brother Bureaucracy becomes the final arbiter of all our thoughts and behaviour.
Recommendation 39 can properly be compared with the extensions to paragraph 10, Article 58 of the 1926 Soviet Criminal Code which regarded ‘face-to-face conversations between friends or even between husband and wife, or a private letter’ as legitimate settings to seek out anti-Soviet agitation and propaganda, with everything that meant in Stalin’s Russia.24 Add to this brew recommendation 38, which calls for the ‘power to permit prosecution after acquittal where fresh and viable evidence is presented’, and we are well on our way to destroying ancient safeguards forever. None of us is safe, and this includes those who would complete the Macpherson revolution from above.

Many of Macpherson’s recommendations are characterized by the demand that “cultural diversity” be valued. Not only are the police, as part of their training, to be inculcated with the ethos of multiculturalism, but, and here we see the much wider ramifications of the Macpherson Report, the public sector and, above all, the educational system are to promote “cultural diversity” and address “racism”. Not once in the Macpherson Report do we find the slightest qualification or caveat concerning multiculturalism and the possibility that many of the “racist” incidents might just be a function of compulsory multiculturalism. As with Macpherson’s fanatical insistence that Stephen Lawrence’s murder was racially motivated, so we encounter the same article of faith that multiculturalism and diversity are inherently desirable. On what basis Macpherson himself comes to this conclusion is not clear. He is, it seems, patently unaware that the Soviet Union, the largest multicultural experiment of the twentieth century, could only be held together by coercion and centralised power (and then not forever). The same was true of Yugoslavia, and the emerging United States of Europe seems utterly determined to repeat the Soviet experiment. The record of multicultural societies is, to put it mildly, not good and this, as well as the other disadvantages, such as the exponential growth in state bureaucracies and the assault on ancient institutions and freedoms, which accompany compulsory multiculturalism, are just ignored. And if you object, well, you must be a “racist” or “fascist”.

Conclusion

The dominant characteristic of Sovietization was extreme violence against all opposition followed by coercive state intervention in the lives of all citizens. The crucial thing to bear in mind is that once society has been broken and traumatized by violence, the threat of violence and selected terror are quite sufficient to maintain the party’s position, but not indefinitely. The social engineers in the West who for a long time looked admiringly at the Soviet Union have not been able - so far - to use the violence routinely employed by communist systems, though they applaud it from afar. What they have done is to study and to refine the techniques of control and they fully understand the need to control the judiciary, the universities and government bureaucracies, thus bypassing the ballot box.25 This is where we find the process of Sovietization. I wonder whether there is some grim symmetry at work here which has yet to run its course. The Soviet Union experienced a period of prolonged violence which then degenerated into harsh and inflexible bureaucracy. Are we in the West experiencing this process in reverse?

There is something to be said for the view expressed by John Upton that ‘the most dangerous legacy of the Inquiry lies not in its specific recommendations but in its sentimentalised and unbalanced approach to the consideration of controversial issues’.xxvi This lack of balance is apparent in the fanatical assertion that Stephen Lawrence was murdered because he was black, not that he might have been murdered because he encountered a gang of equal-opportunity killers on the prowl. The assumption of a racial motive is the crucial part of the Macpherson Report for the commissars of multiculturalism. If this assertion can be shown to be weak or weaker than Macpherson et al have claimed, then the whole edifice of institutional racism, together with the intrusive and Soviet-style recommendations, is built on very shaky foundations. This explains why Macpherson insists, so fanatically, on the murder’s racial motive and why anyone who challenges it is vilified as a “racist”. Without it, the institutional anti-racists have a much weaker case, maybe no case at all.

The hectoring, bullying tone used against individual police officers throughout the inquiry, evident in the Macpherson Report, brings to mind the bullying and spiteful tone adopted by Stalin’s judge Andrei Vyshinsky during the show trials of senior Bolsheviks or that adopted by Roland Freisler, Hitler’s pet judge who presided over the trial of German officers involved in the July bomb plot. The Macpherson Report is a grossly disproportionate attack on the British Police. It must be seen as both a symptom and cause of institutional decay and the loss of confidence on the part of people who in normal times one would expect to be some of the first to lead the charge against the PC vandals. As I argued some seven years ago:
Nor is there anything new in the academic spinelessness and chicanery which make it possible for PC to flourish. Those traditionally responsible for ensuring that the pursuit of truth takes place in a spirit of open enquiry are often among the first to thrust themselves forward to spit and to trample on the very freedoms without which no university, or the society that supports it, can function. The society which sanctions this behaviour lends succour to the mob, disenfranchises the citizen and empowers the tyrant.xxvii
What I argued then at a time when awareness of PC was just starting to grow in the United Kingdom has been well and truly vindicated. How else are we to explain the fact that a senior British judge can attack the British police both in the twisted language of, and on the terms set by, Neo-Marxists and other enemies of the West? While one could argue that all is not well in the police, all is certainly not as bad as Macpherson and his hordes of special-interest advisers would have us believe. The real target of the Macpherson Report is Britain itself and this includes the naive judge who lent his name to this disgraceful document.

Frank Ellis, University of Leeds, England

_____________________________________

Notes


1. The Stephen Lawrence Inquiry: Report of an Inquiry by Sir William Macpherson of Cluny, CM 4262-I, The Stationery Office, 1999. 

2. See Stéphane Courtois et al., The Black Book of Communism: Crimes, Terror, Repression, trans., Jonathan Murphy and Mark Kramer., Harvard University Press, London, 1999, p.318.

3. Quoted in Robert Conquest, The Great Terror: A Reassessment, Hutchinson, London, 1990, p.256.

4. Vasiliy Grossman, Everything Flows (Vse techet), 2nd edn., Possev Verlag, Frankfurt-am-Main, 1974, pp.117-118.

5. Alan Charles Kors, ‘Thought Reform 101: The Orwellian Implications of Today’s College Orientation’, Reason Magazine, http://www.reason.com, March 2000. See, too, Frank Ellis, ‘Multiculturalism and Marxism’, in American Renaissance, vol 10, 11, 1999, pp.1-5.

6. The Black Book of Communism, p.474.

7. The Black Book of Communism, p.510.

8. See letter to Jack Straw dated 15th February 1999 in the Macpherson Report.

9. John Upton, ‘The Smallest Details Speak the Loudest’, review of The Macpherson Report and Brian Cathcart’s, The Case of Stephen Lawrence, Viking, London., 1999, in The London Review of Books, Volume 21, number 13, 1st July 1999, p.9.

10. See the vicious anti-white rap lyrics cited in American Renaissance (Vol 11, No 5, May 2000, pp.14-15). For more rap lyrics see: http://home.att.net/~phosphor/introtogrammys.html. Some of these lyrics preach hatred of whites and are, yet again, another example of the pervasive, sickening double standard on issues of race. In one song the rapper, Ice-T, glorifies murdering police officers. Charlton Heston has attacked the hypocrisy of the recording company’s director: “If the song were entitled Fag Killer or if the lyrics went ‘die, die, kike, die’, would you still sell it?” See Susan Ellicott, ‘Cop killer’ record brings down Wrath of Moses on media giant’, in The Sunday Times, 19th July 1992, p.16.

11. Jared Taylor, Paved with Good Intentions: The Failure of Race Relations in Contemporary America, Carroll and Graf Publishers Inc., New York, 1992, p.221.

12. “Berkoff on His Soapbox”, Leeds Student, 18th February 2000, p.12.

13. ‘Racist prejudice and stereotyping can work and be evident both ways.’ (para, 45.25). Given the fury directed at the police, this single sentence is hardly an impressive example of trying to be balanced.

14. For example, the way the London Police treated a disabled white woman and were forced pay £20,000 compensation. See “Met pay £20,000 after arrest of disabled woman”, The Daily Telegraph, 22nd March 2000, p.3.

15. John Upton, London Review of Books, p.9.

16. For discussion of this persecution see, Frederick R. Lynch, Invisible Victims: White Males and the Crisis of Affirmative Action, Praeger Publishers, New York, 1991. See, too, Chapter 5, “Affirmative Action” in Michael Levin, Feminism and Freedom, 3rd edn., Transaction Publishers, London, 1994. See, too, chapters 4, 5 & 6 in Jared Taylor, Paved With Good Intentions:The Failure of Race Relations in Contemporary America, Carroll & Graf Publishers, Inc., New York, 2nd edn., 1993. See, too, chapter 21 in Balint Vazsonyi, America’s Thirty Years War: Who is Winning?, Regnery Publishing Inc., Washington, D.C., 1998. See, too, chapter 12, “The Dilemmas of Race”, in Richard Bork, Slouching Towards Gomorrah: Modern Liberalism and American Decline, Regan Books, New York, 1997. See, too, Dinesh D’Souza, Illiberal Education: The Politics of Race and Sex on Campus, Vintage Books, New York, 1992. See, too, Ray Honeyford, Race and Free Speech: Violating the Taboo, Claridge Press, St Albans, 1992 and The Commission for Racial Equality: British Bureaucracy and the Multiethnic Society, Transaction Publishers, London, 1998.

17. See Paul Sheehan’s taboo-breaking article, “Race War of Black Against White”, Sydney Morning Herald, 20th May 1995 and Larry Elder, “When the Bad Guy is Black”, Jewish World Review, 10th March 2000, http://www.amren.com. Electronic archive.

18. Note the harsh criticism of Inspector Little for arguing that: ‘everybody should be treated the same’ (para, 12.60). Note the following: ‘“Colour-blind” policing must be outlawed. The police must deliver a service which recognises the different experiences, perceptions and needs of a diverse society.’ (para, 45.24).

19. For purposes of the Macpherson Report the following definition of institutional racism is used: ‘The collective failure of an organisation to provide an appropriate and professional service to people because of their colour, culture or ethnic origin. It can be seen or detected in processes, attitudes and behaviour which amount to discrimination through unwitting prejudice, ignorance, thoughtlessness and racist stereotyping which disadvantage minority ethnic people’ (para, 6.34).

20. The definition used at the time of Stephen Lawrence’s murder was as follows: ‘A racial incident is any incident in which it appears to the reporting or investigating officer that the complaint involves an element of racial motivation, or any incident which includes an allegation of racial motivation made by any person.’ (para, 45.16)

21. Note, too, the same unwarranted assumptions on the part of Macpherson in response to the evidence of Detective Constable Crane who was not entirely convinced that the murder was racially motivated: ‘This collectively held view is a firm example of institutional racism, and how in a tightly knit group such views persist’ (para, 24.20).

22. Roger Pearson, Race, Intelligence and Bias in Academe, Introduction by Hans J. Eysenck, 2nd edition., Scott-Townsend Publishers, Washington, D.C., 1997, p.78.

23. Given the far-reaching effect of recommendation 12, and that anything can be deemed to be racist, recommendation 57 is especially worrying for the police, since it provides for disciplinary proceedings (‘such conduct should usually merit dismissal’) to be used against police officers who have been shown to have used “racist words”. PC Steve Hutt, who referred to a black youth struggling, while being arrested, as a “black bastard”, was one of the first victims. He was sacked after many years of exemplary service. See, ‘Sacrificing of a First-Rate Copper’, Daily Mail, 1st March 2000, pp.18-19. Contrast Hutt’s sacking with the fact that another police officer, Detective Constable Colin Goring was not disciplined even after admitting that he had a cannabis and cocaine habit.

24. See Alexander Solzhenitsyn, The Gulag Archipelago 1918 1956: An Experiment in Literary Investigation, Volume 1, trans., Thomas Witney, Harper Collins, 1991, p.66.

25. See chapter 6, Robert H. Bork., Slouching Towards Gomorrah: Modern Liberalism and American Decline, ReganBooks, New York, 1997.

26. John Upton, London Review of Books, p.9.

27. Frank Ellis, ‘A New Word Order for a Brave New World’, in The Salisbury Review, vol., 12, no 1, 1993, p.9.